The man Morris respected most in the world was George Washington. He had worked with Washington before Valley Forge, and though twenty-years his junior, had struck up a friendship with Washington. As a member of Congress, Morris visited Washington in Valley Forge and greatly helped with the logistics of their poor soldiers plight (many of whom did not even have adequate footwear for the harsh winter). Morris helped in two ways – he was mathematically gifted and helped organized the movement of supplies. More importantly, as a member of Congress he had the influence to help get the hungry Army some much needed supplies. It was at Valley Forge that he met the marquis de Lafayette. The triad of Washington, Lafayette, and Morris formed a tight friendship. Washington was both a friend and a father figure to them both. Lafayette was a young idealistic French officer who came over to help us fight his country's traditional enemy. Morris was a dandy, a ladies man, but willing and able to use his diplomatic skills in the service of his future nation. The three of them really made an unlikely combination of friends, but their mutual goals and willingness to work hard made solid relationships.

Even though Morris did not share all of Washington's mores, he had the utmost respect for our first president. We are indeed fortunate that Washington had no desire to be king and that he willingly relinquished power by refusing to run for more than two terms as president. We take that for granted today, but Brookhiser's book reminded me how revolutionary it was for someone to voluntarily relinquish power in the eighteenth century.

During Washington's Presidency, Morris served as minister to France during the French Revolution. He was reacquainted with Lafayette who had returned home. Lafayette was dismayed at how bloody the French Revolution was; many people were killed simply because they displeased the leader of the day. He attempted to flee to Holland, but was captured an thrown in jail. Acting on behalf of the US, Morris advanced 10,000 livres from the US credit to cover Lafayette's personal expenses in prison and told the jailers that America would hear with "great concern" if their hero "should be in want." Later, Morris loaned the Lafayette family 100,000 livres of his own money.

In addition to glimpses into the lives of our founding fathers, Brookhiser reminded me of something I had long forgotten. The founding fathers considered political parties to be bad things (page 167 if anyone wants his references). In 1800, Morris first proposed the role of opposition. This seems like common sense to us, I even wrote a summary of the loyal opposition concept last year. However, this concept was one that the founding fathers did not consider until the creation of political parties forced them to do so. To their credit, statesmen such as Morris not only created the idea, but supported it as a democratic alternative to civil war. (There were times when many politicians, including Morris, advocated breaking up the new Union – by force if necessary. Obviously none of these impulses ever resulted in action).

Morris also anticipated the end of slavery – not because he saw the good in men, but because he believed slavery was uneconomical. In his words, "Time... seems about to disclose the awful secret that commerce and domestic slavery are mortal foes; and, bound together, one must destroy the other. I cannot blame Southern gentlemen for striving to put down commerce, because commerce, if it survives, will, I think, put them down...." (page 195).

All in all, a very interesting book and well worth the read.

Tenure-track professors are hired and given several years to show results. After a certain amount of time, usually three years, the professor is evaluated. Depending upon the evaluation, he is faced with three outcomes. His contract is not renewed (most Americans would say he was fired), his evaluation term was extended (usually for another three years), or he was promoted to associate professor and given tenure.

Tenure is the mother-lode for professors. A professor with tenure may only be fired for doing something newsworthy (such as killing a student). Even if a professor ceases doing any research and only does an adequate job teaching, he has a guaranteed job until he retires. Tenure has its problems. For instance, it protects lazy professors. One would expect good professors would not need this protection since administrators would want to retain qualified, competent, and hard-working professors.

However, today I am reminded why tenure was established. It was to protect professors who exercise their rights to free speech. Professors who pursue research that goes against accepted practice would be fired at many universities if they did not have tenure. Despite their reputations for objectivity, scientists are a very close-minded community with a rigid belief system. They are very open to ideas within their belief system, but any idea that challenges accepted knowledge is usually treated with contempt and faces major hurdles to even be published. (This is why most non-tenured professors rarely challenge the status-quo; not only do they not have the protection of tenure, they will not get published which reduces their chances of ever receiving tenure). Barry Marshall is an example of someone who managed to overcome these hurdles, but for every Marshall who succeeds, many more fail.

Tenure not only protects scientific research, but political free speech. This is also a good thing. One of my favorite writers, Mike Adams, would have long been fired were it not for the protection of tenure. His recent column, Redheaded Woodpeckers, if written by any non-tenured professor, would spell the end of that professor's career. In these politically correct days, the advantages of tenured faculty feeling free to pursue their own research and to speak out outweigh the disadvantages of carrying some dead weight.

JENNINGS: Democrats everywhere tell us that they want to nominate a man who will not be beaten by President Bush using the Republican weapon of taxes. You know that President Bush will be relentless on this subject. You know that it is the Republicans' argument of choice. It works for Republicans.

DEAN: Well, Peter, you may notice that my voice is a little hoarse. It's not because I was whooping and hollering at my third- place finish in Iowa; it's because I have cold.

I'm going to take a different position than everybody. I think we ought to get rid of the whole Bush tax cut, and here's why: There was no middle-class tax cut.

LIEBERMAN: In this campaign, I am the only candidate up here on the stage that has come out for genuine tax reform, not only to protect the middle-class tax cuts that middle-class families did get in the last three years, that many of us fought for, but to apply, to carry out, to pass a tax cut for 98 percent of the income tax payers and to pay for it by raising taxes on the 2 percent. JENNINGS: Reverend Sharpton, I'd like to ask you a question about domestic policy, if you don't mind. …if you become the nominee, and you have the opportunity to nominate someone to be chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, what kind of person would you consider for the job? You can name someone in particular, if you have someone in mind.

SHARPTON: I think, first of all, we must have a person at the Monetary Fund that is concerned about growth of all, not setting standards that would, in my judgment, protect some and not elevate those that cannot, in my view, expand and come to the levels of development and the levels of where we need to be.

I think part of my problem with how we're operating at this point is that the IMF and the policies that are emanating there do not lead to the expansion that is necessary for our country and our global village to rise to levels that underdeveloped countries and those businesses in this country can have the development policies necessary.

JENNINGS: Forgive me, Reverend Sharpton, but the question was actually about the Federal Reserve Board.

SHARPTON: Oh, in the Federal Reserve Board, I would be looking for someone that would set standards in this country, in terms of our banking, our -- in how government regulates the Federal Reserve as we see it under Greenspan, that we would not be protecting the big businesses; we would not be protecting banking interests in a way that would not, in my judgment, lead toward mass employment, mass development and mass production.

I think that -- would I replace Greenspan, probably. Do I have a name? No.

Other than comic relief, why is Sharpton even in the debates? He clearly has no idea what he talking about. We might have time for some serious answers if Sharpton and Dennis Kucinich were not up there. Then again, we would probably just give the other politicians more time to side-step questions. At least Sharpton and Kucinich add some humor to the process.

HUME: Senator Kerry, Governor Dean has said of you, and I believe also of Senator Edwards, that you cast votes that you knew were wrong on the war for political reasons. How do you answer that charge?

KERRY: I answered by saying that there was a right way to hold Saddam Hussein accountable and there was a wrong way.

The right way was what the president promised, to go to the United Nations, to respect the building of an international coalition in truth, to exhaust the remedies of inspections and literally to only go to war as a last result.

If anybody in New Hampshire believes that John Kerry would have in fact gone to war the way George Bush did, they shouldn't vote for me.

EDWARDS: …I said from the very beginning, before the first resolution was ever voted on in the Congress, that in order for this effort to be successful it was absolutely critical that when we reached this stage that it be international, that it not be an American operation, that it not be an American occupation. And so long as it was that, we'd see the problems we've seen right now.

...And I thought it was critically important for us to say to this president, "What you're doing is wrong. You have to change course."

DEAN: Iraq was not an imminent threat to the United States. I disagreed with Senator Lieberman, Senator Edwards and Senator Kerry.

We had successfully contained Iraq for 12 years with no-fly zones. They had virtually no air force to speak of. It turned out they did not have the weapons of mass destruction that people thought they did, myself included. It turned out that much of what the president told us was not so.

I believe that Saddam Hussein's removal from power is good. But I also believe that the way to have done it was to do it through the United Nations, which is why I opposed the president's war in Iraq from the beginning.

Unquestionably, if John Kerry, John Edwards, or Howard Dean had been elected president in 2000, Saddam Hussein would still be in power.

HUME: Senator Lieberman, you voted the same way. You have also objected to the way the president has handled things. And yet you went ahead and voted for the $87 billion, which Senator Kerry and Senator Edwards did not.

How do you answer what they have to say here? LIEBERMAN: Look, when I voted for the resolution in the fall of 2002, I had no illusions. I knew it would be an unpopular vote in parts of the Democratic Party and my race for the presidency...

But a just war it was. And again, we are safer as a people with Saddam Hussein in prison, not in power.

Now we have an extraordinary opportunity in the war against terrorism to build an Iraq, a democratizing, modernizing country in the middle of the Arab and Islamic worlds, which will send a message to the majority in the Islamic world that there is a better way than the hatred and death that Al Qaida presents to them.

It is, if you'll forgive me, the American -- the democratic way. That's what we have an opportunity to do now.

For that response, I will give Joe Lieberman the last word.

"All the Presidential challengers have to varying degrees disparaged the current size of federal deficits," said study author and NTUF Policy Analyst Drew Johnson. "Yet, our examination of the candidates' spending promises reveals an inconvenient fact: the deficit potholes they're complaining about on the road to the White House would only deepen under their own policies."

...Highlights of the study include:

If the policy agenda of any one of the eight candidates were enacted in full, annual federal spending would rise by at least $169.6 billion (Lieberman) and as much as $1.33 trillion (Sharpton). This would translate to a yearly budget hike of between 7.6% and 59.5%.

All candidates offer platforms that call for more spending than would be offset by repealing the Bush tax cuts (using even generous estimates of the tax cuts' impact).

The eight candidates have proposed over 200 ideas to increase federal spending, and only two that would cut federal spending. Those two proposals have been offered by Dennis Kucinich (thus, the seven other candidates haven't made a single proposal to cut any spending).

Although they may attempt to stress their policy differences, Howard Dean and Wesley Clark would both increase annual federal outlays by roughly the same amount ($222.9 billion vs. $220.7 billion, respectively)... while John Kerry would "only" increase spending by $265.11 billion.

Johnson noted that the study "does not even consider that the temptation to spend more money can increase after entering the White House." George W. Bush, for example, who campaigned as a fiscal conservative in 2000, has presided over a jump in federal spending of 23.7% since taking office. Yet, Johnson still found that even the most parsimonious of the Democrat Presidential candidates would have outpaced the spending run-up under Bush by 15%.

Assuming these figures are true, this is really disheartening. No wonder some people see no difference between the two parties. While I think both parties profess to support different ideas, neither of them have many fiscally disciplined politicians. The scariest thing about these findings is that only Dennis Kucinich has proposed any ideas that would actually cut spending. What is a fiscal conservative to do?

Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: America this evening is a nation called to great responsibilities. And we are rising to meet them.

As we gather tonight, hundreds of thousands of American servicemen and women are deployed across the world in the war on terror. By bringing hope to the oppressed, and delivering justice to the violent, they are making America more secure.

Agreed.

Each day, law enforcement personnel and intelligence officers are tracking terrorist threats; analysts are examining airline passenger lists; the men and women of our new Homeland Security Department are patrolling our coasts and borders. And their vigilance is protecting America.

I partially agree. Homeland Security is still undergoing reorganization, but the new policy to fingerprint and photograph visitors has already caught a number of criminals. Nevertheless, our borders are still very porous. I believe the main reason we have not seen another terrorist attack is that most terrorist leaders are dead and the others are on the run. So I give you kudos for this, but let's not deceive ourselves into thinking our Homeland Security Department is effective yet.

Americans are proving once again to be the hardest working people in the world. The American economy is growing stronger. The tax relief you passed is working.

I appreciate the tax relief, I really do. However, that is only part of the reason the economy is growing. One of the other reasons is that you finally abolished the horrific steel tariff you imposed despite running as a free trade advocate. I hope you have learned your lesson.

Tonight, members of Congress can take pride in the great works of compassion and reform that skeptics had thought impossible. You're raising the standards for our public schools, and you are giving our senior citizens prescription drug coverage under Medicare.

Reform? What reform? You have created a new entitlement program that will cost billions. While I oppose the further growth of the nanny state on principle, I am outraged you do not limit this benefit to poor Americans. It is unjust to place future generations deeper in dept to pay for the drugs of rich retirees.

Ronald Reagan couldn't keep his promise to abolish the Department of Education, but at least he managed to limit its growth. Despite the 10th Amendment, you persist in finding new ways for the Federal government to interfere in the lives of every aspect of American life. If you had to interfere, the Cato Institute gave you good advice three years ago. Unfortunately you ignored it and now even more tax money is wasted by the Department of Education.

We have faced serious challenges together, and now we face a choice: We can go forward with confidence and resolve, or we can turn back to the dangerous illusion that terrorists are not plotting and outlaw regimes are no threat to us. We can press on with economic growth, and reforms in education and Medicare, or we can turn back to old policies and old divisions.

I think it shameful to mix your plans for fighting international terrorism with your plans for increasing the size of the domestic bureaucracy. You make a serious point about the dangers of ignoring terrorism. September 11th should have taught all of this harsh lesson, but many of us need the reminder. However, you paint a false picture of our options facing "reforms" in education and Medicare. True reform would be to reduce the role of the federal government and, at a minimum, to means test Medicare recipients. It is immoral to mortgage our country to provide benefits to wealthy retirees.

We've not come all this way -- through tragedy, and trial and war -- only to falter and leave our work unfinished. Americans are rising to the tasks of history, and they expect the same from us. In their efforts, their enterprise, and their character, the American people are showing that the state of our union is confident and strong.

I agree, but why? In foreign affairs your leadership in the war on terrorism has been one of the primary reasons for our success. However, in domestic affairs, our success is coming despite the actions in Washington, not because of them.

Our greatest responsibility is the active defense of the American people. Twenty-eight months have passed since September 11th, 2001 -- over two years without an attack on American soil. And it is tempting to believe that the danger is behind us. That hope is understandable, comforting -- and false. The killing has continued in Bali, Jakarta, Casablanca, Riyadh, Mombasa, Jerusalem, Istanbul, and Baghdad. The terrorists continue to plot against America and the civilized world. And by our will and courage, this danger will be defeated.

Well said. I remember many leftists saying that if we dared fight the terrorists, we would reap many more attacks on American soil and that terrorist leaders would come out of hiding to fight us. Instead, we are stronger than ever and terrorist leaders are being dragged out of the ground.

Inside the United States, where the war began, we must continue to give our homeland security and law enforcement personnel every tool they need to defend us. And one of those essential tools is the Patriot Act, which allows federal law enforcement to better share information, to track terrorists, to disrupt their cells, and to seize their assets. For years, we have used similar provisions to catch embezzlers and drug traffickers. If these methods are good for hunting criminals, they are even more important for hunting terrorists.

Key provisions of the Patriot Act are set to expire next year. The terrorist threat will not expire on that schedule. Our law enforcement needs this vital legislation to protect our citizens. You need to renew the Patriot Act.

I am not convinced of this. The Patriot Act had some good points to it, but it also had many flaws. You need to completely revamp the act before I will ask my representatives to renew it. You certainly did not make the case for its renewal.

America is on the offensive against the terrorists who started this war. Last March, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, a mastermind of September the 11th, awoke to find himself in the custody of U.S. and Pakistani authorities. Last August the 11th brought the capture of the terrorist Hambali, who was a key player in the attack in Indonesia that killed over 200 people. We're tracking al Qaeda around the world, and nearly two-thirds of their known leaders have now been captured or killed. Thousands of very skilled and determined military personnel are on the manhunt, going after the remaining killers who hide in cities and caves, and one by one, we will bring these terrorists to justice.

Hear! Hear!

As part of the offensive against terror, we are also confronting the regimes that harbor and support terrorists, and could supply them with nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. The United States and our allies are determined: We refuse to live in the shadow of this ultimate danger.

Well said!

The first to see our determination were the Taliban, who made Afghanistan the primary training base of al Qaeda killers. As of this month, that country has a new constitution, guaranteeing free elections and full participation by women. Businesses are opening, health care centers are being established, and the boys and girls of Afghanistan are back in school. With the help from the new Afghan army, our coalition is leading aggressive raids against the surviving members of the Taliban and al Qaeda. The men and women of Afghanistan are building a nation that is free and proud and fighting terror -- and America is honored to be their friend.

You have done well here, President Bush. I was afraid you would abandon Afghanistan once our military destroyed the terrorist organizations. However, you have pleasantly surprised me and I hope you stay the course with Afghanistan even if it is of little strategic value. It is the right thing to do.

Since we last met in this chamber, combat forces of the United States, Great Britain, Australia, Poland and other countries enforced the demands of the United Nations, ended the rule of Saddam Hussein, and the people of Iraq are free.

Having broken the Baathist regime, we face a remnant of violent Saddam supporters. Men who ran away from our troops in battle are now dispersed and attack from the shadows. These killers, joined by foreign terrorists, are a serious, continuing danger. Yet we're making progress against them. The once all-powerful ruler of Iraq was found in a hole, and now sits in a prison cell. Of the top 55 officials of the former regime, we have captured or killed 45. Our forces are on the offensive, leading over 1,600 patrols a day and conducting an average of 180 raids a week. We are dealing with these thugs in Iraq, just as surely as we dealt with Saddam Hussein's evil regime.

The work of building a new Iraq is hard, and it is right. And America has always been willing to do what it takes for what is right. Last January, Iraq's only law was the whim of one brutal man. Today our coalition is working with the Iraqi Governing Council to draft a basic law, with a bill of rights. We're working with Iraqis and the United Nations to prepare for a transition to full Iraqi sovereignty by the end of June.

Wonderful job, Mr. President! Together with other countries that truly love freedom for all, not just themselves, we have made the world a better place. I am a bit leery that you are allowing the UN to have a minor role again; their track record leaves much to be desired. However, you have probably done as well with that gaggle of blunderers as any human could and I trust you will not give them enough influence to screw things up in Iraq.

As democracy takes hold in Iraq, the enemies of freedom will do all in their power to spread violence and fear. They are trying to shake the will of our country and our friends, but the United States of America will never be intimidated by thugs and assassins. The killers will fail, and the Iraqi people will live in freedom.

Month by month, Iraqis are assuming more responsibility for their own security and their own future. And tonight we are honored to welcome one of Iraq's most respected leaders: the current President of the Iraqi Governing Council, Adnan Pachachi.

Sir, America stands with you and the Iraqi people as you build a free and peaceful nation.

The Coalition of the Willing's victory in Iraq was truly an amazing triumph over evil that only the most blind or bitter would deny.

Because of American leadership and resolve, the world is changing for the better. Last month, the leader of Libya voluntarily pledged to disclose and dismantle all of his regime's weapons of mass destruction programs, including a uranium enrichment project for nuclear weapons. Colonel Qadhafi correctly judged that his country would be better off and far more secure without weapons of mass murder.

Nine months of intense negotiations involving the United States and Great Britain succeeded with Libya, while 12 years of diplomacy with Iraq did not. And one reason is clear: For diplomacy to be effective, words must be credible, and no one can now doubt the word of America.

Hear! Hear! Thank you Mr. President for showing doubters that American is not a paper tiger, that we will not be terrorized, and that dictators should tread lightly or be deposed.

Different threats require different strategies. Along with nations in the region, we're insisting that North Korea eliminate its nuclear program. America and the international community are demanding that Iran meet its commitments and not develop nuclear weapons. America is committed to keeping the world's most dangerous weapons out of the hands of the most dangerous regimes.

Good for you! And good for the world. Your efforts to make the world a safer place are one of the few reasons I still support you.

When I came to this rostrum on September the 20th, 2001, I brought the police shield of a fallen officer, my reminder of lives that ended, and a task that does not end. I gave to you and to all Americans my complete commitment to securing our country and defeating our enemies. And this pledge, given by one, has been kept by many.

You in the Congress have provided the resources for our defense, and cast the difficult votes of war and peace. Our closest allies have been unwavering. America's intelligence personnel and diplomats have been skilled and tireless. And the men and women of the American military -- they have taken the hardest duty. We've seen their skill and their courage in armored charges and midnight raids, and lonely hours on faithful watch. We have seen the joy when they return, and felt the sorrow when one is lost. I've had the honor of meeting our servicemen and women at many posts, from the deck of a carrier in the Pacific to a mess hall in Baghdad.

Many of our troops are listening tonight. And I want you and your families to know: America is proud of you. And my administration, and this Congress, will give you the resources you need to fight and win the war on terror.

I 100% agree. The overwhelming majority of Americans support our troops and we appreciate our true allies.

I know that some people question if America is really in a war at all. They view terrorism more as a crime, a problem to be solved mainly with law enforcement and indictments. After the World Trade Center was first attacked in 1993, some of the guilty were indicted and tried and convicted, and sent to prison. But the matter was not settled. The terrorists were still training and plotting in other nations, and drawing up more ambitious plans. After the chaos and carnage of September the 11th, it is not enough to serve our enemies with legal papers. The terrorists and their supporters declared war on the United States, and war is what they got.

Thank God Al Gore could not carry his own state of Tennessee.

Some in this chamber, and in our country, did not support the liberation of Iraq. Objections to war often come from principled motives. But let us be candid about the consequences of leaving Saddam Hussein in power. We're seeking all the facts. Already, the Kay Report identified dozens of weapons of mass destruction-related program activities and significant amounts of equipment that Iraq concealed from the United Nations. Had we failed to act, the dictator's weapons of mass destruction programs would continue to this day. Had we failed to act, Security Council resolutions on Iraq would have been revealed as empty threats, weakening the United Nations and encouraging defiance by dictators around the world. Iraq's torture chambers would still be filled with victims, terrified and innocent. The killing fields of Iraq -- where hundreds of thousands of men and women and children vanished into the sands -- would still be known only to the killers. For all who love freedom and peace, the world without Saddam Hussein's regime is a better and safer place.

I, and most of my fellow Americans, agree. This is why you will probably get my vote in November. Your domestic policies are abysmal, but we can survive four more years of domestic mismanagement more easily that we could survive stopping the war on terrorism with so much left undone. Too bad a fiscally conservative Democrat who also values world security is not running against you.

Some critics have said our duties in Iraq must be internationalized. This particular criticism is hard to explain to our partners in Britain, Australia, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, Italy, Spain, Poland, Denmark, Hungary, Bulgaria, Ukraine, Romania, the Netherlands, Norway, El Salvador, and the 17 other countries that have committed troops to Iraq. As we debate at home, we must never ignore the vital contributions of our international partners, or dismiss their sacrifices.

From the beginning, America has sought international support for our operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, and we have gained much support. There is a difference, however, between leading a coalition of many nations, and submitting to the objections of a few. America will never seek a permission slip to defend the security of our country.

Well said! Some fools will still spout the lie about your "unilateralism", but most Americans laugh at them. The gentle dig at Dean was pretty humorous too.

We also hear doubts that democracy is a realistic goal for the greater Middle East, where freedom is rare. Yet it is mistaken, and condescending, to assume that whole cultures and great religions are incompatible with liberty and self-government. I believe that God has planted in every human heart the desire to live in freedom. And even when that desire is crushed by tyranny for decades, it will rise again.

As long as the Middle East remains a place of tyranny and despair and anger, it will continue to produce men and movements that threaten the safety of America and our friends. So America is pursuing a forward strategy of freedom in the greater Middle East. We will challenge the enemies of reform, confront the allies of terror, and expect a higher standard from our friend. To cut through the barriers of hateful propaganda, the Voice of America and other broadcast services are expanding their programming in Arabic and Persian -- and soon, a new television service will begin providing reliable news and information across the region. I will send you a proposal to double the budget of the National Endowment for Democracy, and to focus its new work on the development of free elections, and free markets, free press, and free labor unions in the Middle East. And above all, we will finish the historic work of democracy in Afghanistan and Iraq, so those nations can light the way for others, and help transform a troubled part of the world.

America is a nation with a mission, and that mission comes from our most basic beliefs. We have no desire to dominate, no ambitions of empire. Our aim is a democratic peace -- a peace founded upon the dignity and rights of every man and woman. America acts in this cause with friends and allies at our side, yet we understand our special calling: This great republic will lead the cause of freedom.

This was the best part of the speech. It clearly spells out Bush's view of American foreign objectives and I find myself in full agreement with them.

In the last three years, adversity has also revealed the fundamental strengths of the American economy. We have come through recession, and terrorist attack, and corporate scandals, and the uncertainties of war. And because you acted to stimulate our economy with tax relief, this economy is strong, and growing stronger.

You have doubled the child tax credit from $500 to $1,000, reduced the marriage penalty, begun to phase out the death tax, reduced taxes on capital gains and stock dividends, cut taxes on small businesses, and you have lowered taxes for every American who pays income taxes.

I am glad to see the tax cuts even though you overstate their effectiveness. Our economy is growing, in part because of your tax cuts, but only in part. I also very mixed feelings about the child tax credits. This is simple redistribution of wealth (that is, those who pay absolutely nothing in taxes will get a "refund" of cash via these tax credits). However, this does tend to benefit the poorest amongst us, so it is not one of my larger concerns with your fiscal irresponsibility.

Americans took those dollars and put them to work, driving this economy forward. The pace of economic growth in the third quarter of 2003 was the fastest in nearly 20 years; new home construction, the highest in almost 20 years; home ownership rates, the highest ever. Manufacturing activity is increasing. Inflation is low. Interest rates are low. Exports are growing. Productivity is high, and jobs are on the rise.

These numbers confirm that the American people are using their money far better than government would have -- and you were right to return it.

I agree. However, if you truly believe this, why are you enabling the biggest real increases in domestic discretionary spending in modern history?

America's growing economy is also a changing economy. As technology transforms the way almost every job is done, America becomes more productive, and workers need new skills. Much of our job growth will be found in high-skilled fields like health care and biotechnology. So we must respond by helping more Americans gain the skills to find good jobs in our new economy.

Is this the responsibility of the federal government? As you just stated, the American people can manage resources better than the government. Despite your earlier words, I fear you about to hypocritically attempt to manage the resources of individual Americans.

All skills begin with the basics of reading and math, which are supposed to be learned in the early grades of our schools. Yet for too long, for too many children, those skills were never mastered. By passing the No Child Left Behind Act, you have made the expectation of literacy the law of our country. We're providing more funding for our schools -- a 36-percent increase since 2001. We're requiring higher standards. We are regularly testing every child on the fundamentals. We are reporting results to parents, and making sure they have better options when schools are not performing. We are making progress toward excellence for every child in America.

Yep – I knew it. Hypocrite. How much more taxpayer money will you waste trying to manage resources?

But the status quo always has defenders. Some want to undermine the No Child Left Behind Act by weakening standards and accountability. Yet the results we require are really a matter of common sense: We expect third graders to read and do math at the third grade level -- and that's not asking too much. Testing is the only way to identify and help students who are falling behind. This nation will not go back to the days of simply shuffling children along from grade to grade without them learning the basics. I refuse to give up on any child -- and the No Child Left Behind Act is opening the door of opportunity to all of America's children.

At the same time, we must ensure that older students and adults can gain the skills they need to find work now. Many of the fastest growing occupations require strong math and science preparation, and training beyond the high school level. So tonight, I propose a series of measures called Jobs for the 21st Century. This program will provide extra help to middle and high school students who fall behind in reading and math, expand advanced placement programs in low-income schools, invite math and science professionals from the private sector to teach part-time in our high schools. I propose larger Pell grants for students who prepare for college with demanding courses in high school. I propose increasing our support for America's fine community colleges, so they can -- I do so, so they can train workers for industries that are creating the most new jobs. By all these actions, we'll help more and more Americans to join in the growing prosperity of our country. Job training is important, and so is job creation.

Why do you think this is a federal problem at all? Lower our taxes, abolish the Department of Education, and let Americans solve local problems at the local level.

We must continue to pursue an aggressive, pro-growth economic agenda. Congress has some unfinished business on the issue of taxes. The tax reductions you passed are set to expire. Unless you act -- (applause) -- unless you act -- unless you act, the unfair tax on marriage will go back up. Unless you act, millions of families will be charged $300 more in federal taxes for every child. Unless you act, small businesses will pay higher taxes. Unless you act, the death tax will eventually come back to life. Unless you act, Americans face a tax increase. What Congress has given, the Congress should not take away. For the sake of job growth, the tax cuts you passed should be permanent.

I'd like you to start pursuing an aggressive, pro-growth economic agenda. Renewing the tax cuts is a good idea, but tax cuts alone are not enough. A promise from you to avoid all protective tariffs in the future would be a good start.

Our agenda for jobs and growth must help small business owners and employees with relief from needless federal regulation, and protect them from junk and frivolous lawsuits.

This will help a great deal. Keep the federal government and lawyers out of our way and let us work. Good luck getting this pass Congress – I suspect the effort will make your negotiations with the UN look easy.

Consumers and businesses need reliable supplies of energy to make our economy run -- so I urge you to pass legislation to modernize our electricity system, promote conservation, and make America less dependent on foreign sources of energy.

No! No! No! Do you not see how you have just contradicted yourself. It was only one sentence earlier. We do not need MORE regulations, we need LESS regulations.

My administration is promoting free and fair trade to open up new markets for America's entrepreneurs and manufacturers and farmers -- to create jobs for American workers. Younger workers should have the opportunity to build a nest egg by saving part of their Social Security taxes in a personal retirement account. We should make the Social Security system a source of ownership for the American people. And we should limit the burden of government on this economy by acting as good stewards of taxpayers' dollars.

I agree. I would like to see you start acting as a good steward of our money.

In two weeks, I will send you a budget that funds the war, protects the homeland, and meets important domestic needs, while limiting the growth in discretionary spending to less than 4 percent. This will require that Congress focus on priorities, cut wasteful spending, and be wise with the people's money. By doing so, we can cut the deficit in half over the next five years.

If you and Congress can accomplish this without resorting the accounting gimmicks that are illegal for businesses, but standard practice for the US government, I would cheerfully vote for you in November. However, I suspect I have better odds of winning the lottery (and I don't buy tickets).

Tonight, I also ask you to reform our immigration laws so they reflect our values and benefit our economy. I propose a new temporary worker program to match willing foreign workers with willing employers when no Americans can be found to fill the job. This reform will be good for our economy because employers will find needed workers in an honest and orderly system. A temporary worker program will help protect our homeland, allowing Border Patrol and law enforcement to focus on true threats to our national security.

I oppose amnesty, because it would encourage further illegal immigration, and unfairly reward those who break our laws. My temporary worker program will preserve the citizenship path for those who respect the law, while bringing millions of hardworking men and women out from the shadows of American life.

Your proposed program does give amnesty to illegal immigrants. It may not give them any advantages towards receiving citizenship, but it clearly provides amnesty for breaking the law. I have not yet made up my mind about your program. It has the benefit of being feasible to implement; however, be honest about your proposal.

Our nation's health care system, like our economy, is also in a time of change. Amazing medical technologies are improving and saving lives. This dramatic progress has brought its own challenge, in the rising costs of medical care and health insurance. Members of Congress, we must work together to help control those costs and extend the benefits of modern medicine throughout our country.

Meeting these goals requires bipartisan effort, and two months ago, you showed the way. By strengthening Medicare and adding a prescription drug benefit, you kept a basic commitment to our seniors: You are giving them the modern medicine they deserve.

Starting this year, under the law you passed, seniors can choose to receive a drug discount card, saving them 10 to 25 percent off the retail price of most prescription drugs -- and millions of low-income seniors can get an additional $600 to buy medicine. Beginning next year, seniors will have new coverage for preventive screenings against diabetes and heart disease, and seniors just entering Medicare can receive wellness exams.

In January of 2006, seniors can get prescription drug coverage under Medicare. For a monthly premium of about $35, most seniors who do not have that coverage today can expect to see their drug bills cut roughly in half. Under this reform, senior citizens will be able to keep their Medicare just as it is, or they can choose a Medicare plan that fits them best -- just as you, as members of Congress, can choose an insurance plan that meets your needs. And starting this year, millions of Americans will be able to save money tax-free for their medical expenses in a health savings account.

I signed this measure proudly, and any attempt to limit the choices of our seniors, or to take away their prescription drug coverage under Medicare, will meet my veto.

Your pandering to yet another special interest group is sickening. Earlier, you said Americans can manage resources better than the government. Yet, you proudly helped broker the biggest new entitlement program in years and what does it try to do? Manage health resources. The program certainly should not pay for benefits for wealthy retirees. Your fiscal irresponsibility scares me.

On the critical issue of health care, our goal is to ensure that Americans can choose and afford private health care coverage that best fits their individual needs. To make insurance more affordable, Congress must act to address rapidly rising health care costs. Small businesses should be able to band together and negotiate for lower insurance rates, so they can cover more workers with health insurance. I urge you to pass association health plans. I ask you to give lower-income Americans a refundable tax credit that would allow millions to buy their own basic health insurance.

By computerizing health records, we can avoid dangerous medical mistakes, reduce costs, and improve care. To protect the doctor-patient relationship, and keep good doctors doing good work, we must eliminate wasteful and frivolous medical lawsuits. And tonight I propose that individuals who buy catastrophic health care coverage, as part of our new health savings accounts, be allowed to deduct 100 percent of the premiums from their taxes. A government-run health care system is the wrong prescription. By keeping costs under control, expanding access, and helping more Americans afford coverage, we will preserve the system of private medicine that makes America's health care the best in the world.

This sounds nice, but you have not addressed any of the real problems. You have just proposed new ways to redistribute income. You should be focused on real problems, such as balancing the rights of patients with the concerns of doctors of ridiculous legal liabilities. You should be resolving the problem of free-ride countries like Canada who can sell drugs for less because they do not pay little or none of the development costs.

We are living in a time of great change -- in our world, in our economy, in science and medicine. Yet some things endure -- courage and compassion, reverence and integrity, respect for differences of faith and race. The values we try to live by never change. And they are instilled in us by fundamental institutions, such as families and schools and religious congregations. These institutions, these unseen pillars of civilization, must remain strong in America, and we will defend them. We must stand with our families to help them raise healthy, responsible children. When it comes to helping children make right choices, there is work for all of us to do.

One of the worst decisions our children can make is to gamble their lives and futures on drugs. Our government is helping parents confront this problem with aggressive education, treatment, and law enforcement. Drug use in high school has declined by 11 percent over the last two years. Four hundred thousand fewer young people are using illegal drugs than in the year 2001. In my budget, I proposed new funding to continue our aggressive, community-based strategy to reduce demand for illegal drugs.